Resultatives Under the ‘Event-Argument Homomorphism’ Model of Telicity 论文

摘要

Abstract This chapter presents a novel semantic analysis of the English resultative construction that crucially models telicity (aspectual boundedness) in terms of the event-argument homomorphism model (Krifka 1998) rather than the commonly assumed result state model (Dowty 1979). This assumption, together with recent insights on the semantics of scalar adjectives (Hay et al. 1999; Kennedy 1999; Kennedy and McNally 1999), leads us to an explanation for a myriad of facts. Corpus data from Boas (2000) strongly support our conclusions. The central idea of this analysis is that resultatives involve an abstract ‘path’ argument corresponding to degrees along the scale denoted by the resultative predicate.